Where can i buy dapoxetine online Buy cialis with dapoxetine Buy dapoxetine australia Purchase dapoxetine online Buy tadalafil with dapoxetine Buy dapoxetine online Buy dapoxetine in uk Buy viagra with dapoxetine Buy dapoxetine in singapore Buy dapoxetine priligy europe
LATEST
buy dapoxetine canada (July 10, 2018 2:11 pm)
buy dapoxetine sweden (July 10, 2018 11:33 am)
where can i buy dapoxetine online (July 10, 2018 11:13 am)
buy dapoxetine south africa (May 28, 2018 9:42 am)
cheap dapoxetine online (April 16, 2018 12:21 pm)
can you buy dapoxetine in australia (March 22, 2018 12:20 pm)
where to buy dapoxetine in usa (February 21, 2018 4:35 pm)
buy dapoxetine in uk (February 21, 2018 3:14 pm)
buy cialis with dapoxetine (February 21, 2018 12:56 pm)
how to order dapoxetine (February 12, 2018 6:02 pm)

buy dapoxetine online usa rating
4-5 stars based on 32 reviews
[ 106 ]depleted endogenous p63 by shRNA to investigate the transcriptional programscontrolled by p63. Oral glutathione increases tissueglutathione in-vivo

Oral glutathione increases tissueglutathione in-vivo. Any horny growth buy dapoxetine online usa such as a wart or callosity.Ketone. This is a reflection of interstitial growth by the nucleus, and the cytoplasm is evident

This is a reflection of interstitial growth by the nucleus, and the cytoplasm is evident. Occasionally buy dapoxetine online usa carcinoidsyndrome may be the initial presenting feature. 37.5: The vicious cycle in CHF: compensatory mechanisms evoked in response to reduced cardiac outputthemselves perpetuate failure and contribute to remodeling responsible for disease progression

37.5: The vicious cycle in CHF: compensatory mechanisms evoked in response to reduced cardiac outputthemselves perpetuate failure and contribute to remodeling responsible for disease progression. Theoverall accuracy when using CT to identify lymph nodemetastasis is between 60 and 80 %.

Careful adjustment of dose and monitoring can reduce the occurrence of thiscomplication. Spread the cli-ent’s buttocks and inspect the anal openingand surrounding area (Fig

Spread the cli-ent’s buttocks and inspect the anal openingand surrounding area (Fig. Helton ES, Zhu J, Chen X (2006) The unique NH2-terminally deleted (DeltaN) residues, thePXXP motif, and the PPXY motif are required for the transcriptional activity of the DeltaNvariant of p63.

All neuromuscular blockers arequaternary compounds—do not cross blood-brainbarrier. Nicorandil is believed to exertcardioprotective action by simulating ‘ischaemicpreconditioning’ as a result of activation of mito-chondrial KATP channels. Both are G protein coupled receptors whichon activation increase cAMP production. Thepatient was rapidly transferred to the operating theater

Thepatient was rapidly transferred to the operating theater. Althoughlow serum levels of 25-hydroxyvitamin D have beenassociated with adverse CVD outcomes in observa-tional studies, it is currently unknown whether treat-ing low-vitamin D status with supplements can reduceCVD (33)

Althoughlow serum levels of 25-hydroxyvitamin D have beenassociated with adverse CVD outcomes in observa-tional studies, it is currently unknown whether treat-ing low-vitamin D status with supplements can reduceCVD (33).

Bao L et al (2004) Prevalent overexpression of prolyl isomerase Pin1 in human cancers. Systematic reviews and meta-analysis: Studiesof studies. PaCO wasdecreased to a level of mild hypocapnia by increasing FiO . Donehower L buy dapoxetine online usa Harvey M, Slagle B (1992) Mice de?cient for p53 are developmentally normalbut susceptible to spontaneous tumours. Residual effects are likelynext morning; cumulation occurs on dailyingestion peaking after 3–5 days. After incubation with avidin-biotin-peroxidase complex, the posi-tive response was then visualized with diaminobenzidine (DAB) solution{brown-coloredreaction)

After incubation with avidin-biotin-peroxidase complex, the posi-tive response was then visualized with diaminobenzidine (DAB) solution{brown-coloredreaction).

Cortical auditory evokedpotentials in the assessment of auditory neuropathy: Two case stud-ies. Respecting auton-omy is complicated when making EOL decisions in the ICU buy dapoxetine online usa because most ICUpatients are incapable of participating in decisions about their care. The lens increases insize during normal growth and then continues to producenew lens fibers at an ever-decreasing rate throughout life.The new lens fibers develop from the subcapsular epithelialcells located near the equator (see Fig. Role of rifampin against Propionibacterium acnesbiofilm in vitro and in an experimental foreign-body infection model.

They preventdegranulation of mast cells so that histamine and leukotrienes are notreleased. Clinical DSS are “active knowl-edge systems which use two or more items ofpatient data to generate case-speci? c advice”(Wyatt and Spiegelhalter 1991)

Clinical DSS are “active knowl-edge systems which use two or more items ofpatient data to generate case-speci? c advice”(Wyatt and Spiegelhalter 1991). Having migrated through the basal lamina, it isalso within the epithelial compartment.Arrowheads, cell boundaries; asterisks, basolateral folds. Given to patientsin acute mania buy dapoxetine online usa it gradually suppresses theepisode taking 1–2 weeks; continued treatmentprevents cyclic mood changes. They pro-mote the interaction of the transcription factors with pol II holoenzyme [27] andacetylate the neighboring histones to allow an open conguration of the chromatin[75]. Historically, the terms procarcinogen,proximate carcinogen, and ultimate carcinogen refer to theparent compound (procarcinogen) and its metabolite forms,either intermediate (proximate carcinogen) or final (ulti-mate carcinogen) that reacts with DNA (Figure 15.1)

Historically, the terms procarcinogen,proximate carcinogen, and ultimate carcinogen refer to theparent compound (procarcinogen) and its metabolite forms,either intermediate (proximate carcinogen) or final (ulti-mate carcinogen) that reacts with DNA (Figure 15.1). TD flowmetryprovides continuous, bedside CBF measurement and has been shown to be comparable toXe-CT scanning in both animal and human studies (8)

TD flowmetryprovides continuous, bedside CBF measurement and has been shown to be comparable toXe-CT scanning in both animal and human studies (8). The tapping done with thistype of percussion produces a sound or tone that varies withthe density of underlying structures.

buy dapoxetine online usa rating
4-5 stars based on 32 reviews
[ 106 ]depleted endogenous p63 by shRNA to investigate the transcriptional programscontrolled by p63. Oral glutathione increases tissueglutathione in-vivo

Oral glutathione increases tissueglutathione in-vivo. Any horny growth buy dapoxetine online usa such as a wart or callosity.Ketone. This is a reflection of interstitial growth by the nucleus, and the cytoplasm is evident

This is a reflection of interstitial growth by the nucleus, and the cytoplasm is evident. Occasionally buy dapoxetine online usa carcinoidsyndrome may be the initial presenting feature. 37.5: The vicious cycle in CHF: compensatory mechanisms evoked in response to reduced cardiac outputthemselves perpetuate failure and contribute to remodeling responsible for disease progression

37.5: The vicious cycle in CHF: compensatory mechanisms evoked in response to reduced cardiac outputthemselves perpetuate failure and contribute to remodeling responsible for disease progression. Theoverall accuracy when using CT to identify lymph nodemetastasis is between 60 and 80 %.

Careful adjustment of dose and monitoring can reduce the occurrence of thiscomplication. Spread the cli-ent’s buttocks and inspect the anal openingand surrounding area (Fig

Spread the cli-ent’s buttocks and inspect the anal openingand surrounding area (Fig. Helton ES, Zhu J, Chen X (2006) The unique NH2-terminally deleted (DeltaN) residues, thePXXP motif, and the PPXY motif are required for the transcriptional activity of the DeltaNvariant of p63.

All neuromuscular blockers arequaternary compounds—do not cross blood-brainbarrier. Nicorandil is believed to exertcardioprotective action by simulating ‘ischaemicpreconditioning’ as a result of activation of mito-chondrial KATP channels. Both are G protein coupled receptors whichon activation increase cAMP production. Thepatient was rapidly transferred to the operating theater

Thepatient was rapidly transferred to the operating theater. Althoughlow serum levels of 25-hydroxyvitamin D have beenassociated with adverse CVD outcomes in observa-tional studies, it is currently unknown whether treat-ing low-vitamin D status with supplements can reduceCVD (33)

Althoughlow serum levels of 25-hydroxyvitamin D have beenassociated with adverse CVD outcomes in observa-tional studies, it is currently unknown whether treat-ing low-vitamin D status with supplements can reduceCVD (33).

Bao L et al (2004) Prevalent overexpression of prolyl isomerase Pin1 in human cancers. Systematic reviews and meta-analysis: Studiesof studies. PaCO wasdecreased to a level of mild hypocapnia by increasing FiO . Donehower L buy dapoxetine online usa Harvey M, Slagle B (1992) Mice de?cient for p53 are developmentally normalbut susceptible to spontaneous tumours. Residual effects are likelynext morning; cumulation occurs on dailyingestion peaking after 3–5 days. After incubation with avidin-biotin-peroxidase complex, the posi-tive response was then visualized with diaminobenzidine (DAB) solution{brown-coloredreaction)

After incubation with avidin-biotin-peroxidase complex, the posi-tive response was then visualized with diaminobenzidine (DAB) solution{brown-coloredreaction).

Cortical auditory evokedpotentials in the assessment of auditory neuropathy: Two case stud-ies. Respecting auton-omy is complicated when making EOL decisions in the ICU buy dapoxetine online usa because most ICUpatients are incapable of participating in decisions about their care. The lens increases insize during normal growth and then continues to producenew lens fibers at an ever-decreasing rate throughout life.The new lens fibers develop from the subcapsular epithelialcells located near the equator (see Fig. Role of rifampin against Propionibacterium acnesbiofilm in vitro and in an experimental foreign-body infection model.

They preventdegranulation of mast cells so that histamine and leukotrienes are notreleased. Clinical DSS are “active knowl-edge systems which use two or more items ofpatient data to generate case-speci? c advice”(Wyatt and Spiegelhalter 1991)

Clinical DSS are “active knowl-edge systems which use two or more items ofpatient data to generate case-speci? c advice”(Wyatt and Spiegelhalter 1991). Having migrated through the basal lamina, it isalso within the epithelial compartment.Arrowheads, cell boundaries; asterisks, basolateral folds. Given to patientsin acute mania buy dapoxetine online usa it gradually suppresses theepisode taking 1–2 weeks; continued treatmentprevents cyclic mood changes. They pro-mote the interaction of the transcription factors with pol II holoenzyme [27] andacetylate the neighboring histones to allow an open conguration of the chromatin[75]. Historically, the terms procarcinogen,proximate carcinogen, and ultimate carcinogen refer to theparent compound (procarcinogen) and its metabolite forms,either intermediate (proximate carcinogen) or final (ulti-mate carcinogen) that reacts with DNA (Figure 15.1)

Historically, the terms procarcinogen,proximate carcinogen, and ultimate carcinogen refer to theparent compound (procarcinogen) and its metabolite forms,either intermediate (proximate carcinogen) or final (ulti-mate carcinogen) that reacts with DNA (Figure 15.1). TD flowmetryprovides continuous, bedside CBF measurement and has been shown to be comparable toXe-CT scanning in both animal and human studies (8)

TD flowmetryprovides continuous, bedside CBF measurement and has been shown to be comparable toXe-CT scanning in both animal and human studies (8). The tapping done with thistype of percussion produces a sound or tone that varies withthe density of underlying structures.

There has been a bloody war in the Middle East since 1947, and obtuse Western policy bears a large measure of responsibility for keeping it going. The carnage of killed and injured has been dreadful and should have ended years ago. The Arab states quit the war in the 1970s, after they realized they were never going to succeed in destroying Israel. But the Palestinians, less able militarily than any Arab state, have continued in a quest no one in their right mind believes they can win. Their effort, however, has been sustained by the moral, material and financial support of others, mostly Western democratic states, whose earnest peacemaking has done nothing but allow the side which cannot win to avoid conceding, to re-arm after setbacks, and to resume the violence at will.

If Western states really wanted the conflict to end, they would let Israel win. They would acknowledge there is no peace to be had on Palestinian terms, though perhaps an agreement that could be as generous to the Palestinians as the one they rejected at the Camp David Summit of 2000. They would terminate all aid to the Palestinians other than shipments of food and medical supplies. They would work with Israel and Egypt on a “proliferation security initiative” for the Middle East to intercept and destroy weapons destined for Palestinian use. They would allow Israel to fight the war it needs to in order to defeat the Palestinians and to set the terms for Israel’s long-term security. And once the fighting was over, they would do what democratic states always do at the end of a conflict, help the parties recover and to live in peace and security with their neighbours.

A tale of two states

In 1947, the United Nations resolved to partition Palestine into two states. Israelis approved the plan, Arabs did not. In the years which followed, more than 24,000 Israelis and 85,000 Arabs have been killed, including 4000 Israelis killed in terror attacks and 2000 Arabs killed by other Arabs.

This long war has been interrupted regularly by ceasefires, armistices, and “peace processes” – to absolutely zero effect. In a round of violence in 2012, five Israelis were killed and 240 injured by Palestinian rocket fire from Gaza, 177 Palestinians were killed and over 900 injured by Israeli air strikes on Gaza. A ceasefire ended it, not a peace agreement, and the conflict resumed this summer. The casualties in the latest round have been ten times greater than those of 2012.

Well-intentioned outsiders have offered up something like 30 “peace plans” – with nothing to show for them but brief respites in the slaughter. Numerous US Secretaries of State have tried to make reputations with diplomatic initiatives to bring “peace to the Middle East”, and US Presidents have been holding summits to reach Mideast “accords” since the 1970s. When these efforts have failed, others have tried their hand: the British and French, the Nordics, the Gulf States, the Arab League, the European Union. And always, the United Nations which has an unbroken record of failure since it brokered two ceasefires in the 1948-49 war.

Clearly outsiders have no idea how to end the conflict. The only thing they haven’t tried is doing nothing, i.e. letting the Israelis and the Palestinians sort it out themselves. It’s time they were allowed to do so. It’s the only course of action that will end the conflict.

Give war a chance

In 1999, Edward Luttwak of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington looked at the dismal record of international peacemaking since the creation of the UN and concluded that the world would be better off if smaller wars were allowed to run their natural course. Either the stronger party would win or the belligerents would be so exhausted they would be induced to work out an accommodation. Either way, the conflict would be over. With third parties intervening, the losing side avoids defeat, gets the opportunity to recuperate and re-arm, renews hope for military success in future. Hence artificially freezing a conflict with ceasefires and armistices only prolongs it, “shielding the weaker side from the consequences of refusing to make concessions for peace”.  Give war a chance, Luttwak wrote in a famous Foreign Affairs article.  “War is a great evil, but the unpleasant truth is that it does have one great virtue, it can resolve political conflicts and lead to peace.”

The Israeli-Arab conflict had such a moment in the 1970s when successive defeats convinced the Arab states to abandon their dream of destroying Israel. They had tried and failed to wipe out the new state in 1947-48. In the Suez War of 1956, Egyptian forces were badly mauled and driven out of the Sinai. Ten years later, Arab forces failed again in a three-front assault, losing territories which gave Israel the strategic depth it had lacked – making it more difficult to defeat the next time. They tried once more in 1973 in a surprise attack which almost succeeded, then found themselves in grave peril from Israeli tanks moving unopposed on Cairo 65 kilometers away and Damascus 35 kilometers away.

Map-of-Israel

It was at this point that the war between states in the Middle East effectively ended – because of Arab states’ realization that they would not after all be able to destroy Israel. In the six-years which followed, Egypt concluded a series of agreements with Israel which demilitarized the Sinai, returned it to Egyptian control, produced a peace agreement in 1979, and established diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1980. In 1994, Jordan and Israel formalized the modus vivendi that they too had worked out.  The other states of the region officially refused to end their belligerency, but they never again contemplated attacking Israel, singly or collectively. Lebanon signed a peace agreement in 1983 which it was subsequently forced to abrogate by Syria, while Syria discussed normalization of relations in 2000 but settled for continued respect for the demilitarized zone on the Golan Heights. The war between Israel and neighbouring states had finally played itself out because the parties themselves wanted to end it.

The Palestinians

That left still unresolved the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, inhabitants of territories but not a state. For years, Western policy has entertained the fiction that what the Palestinians want is a deal on borders for the West Bank and Gaza, an end to Israeli settlements, and a state of their own. During lulls in the fighting, earnest outsiders have tried numerous times to get such a deal worked out. Except that every time one has been close, the Palestinians have walked away from it.

The most egregious example was the deal brokered by President Clinton in July 2000 between Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat:

camp-david

  • A Palestinian state comprised of four cantons representing 97% of the West Bank and Gaza,
  • The capital of the new state to be the Palestinian neighbourhoods of East Jerusalem with Palestinian sovereignty over Haram al-Sharif/the Temple Mount,
  • Withdrawal of 63 Israeli settlements,
  • A right of return for refugees accompanied by a $30 billion compensation package.

It is hard to imagine what more Palestinians could ever hope to achieve, yet Arafat baulked – and never made a counter-proposal. At one point in the negotiations, Clinton exploded at him: “A summit’s purpose is to have discussions that are based on sincere intentions and you, the Palestinians, did not come to this summit with sincere intentions.”  Barely two months later, Arafat was instrumental in launching the second Palestinian “intifada” or uprising which, over the next six months, took some 1000 Israeli and 3000 Palestinian lives.

In 2005, the Palestinians were offered another enormous opportunity which they also squandered – lending truth to former Israeli foreign minister Abba Eban’s dictum that Israel’s enemies “never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity”. That year, Israel unilaterally withdrew from Gaza, ending 38 years of Israeli settlement there. For Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, it was an extraordinarily difficult decision to make. The disengagement required the Israeli military to assist in closing down 21 settlements and removing over 7000 settlers and their supporters, some forcibly. Moreover, Sharon had to proceed without the backing of several senior ministers. Benjamin Netanyahu, then finance minister, resigned. Sharon’s Likud party was so deeply divided he ended up having to form a new political party Kadima, and he never had more than a bare majority of public opinion supporting him. The decision may also have cost him his life. A few months later, in January 2006, Sharon suffered a stroke which left him in a coma until he died in January of this year.

Sharon explained that he hoped Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza would begin a process of reducing the friction between Israelis and Palestinians, and ultimately increasing the security of both sides. What followed instead was that Hamas, an even more radical Islamist movement than Arafat’s PLO, took control of Gaza and engineered four rounds of violence against Israel in 2006, 2008, 2012 and 2014. Each round featured rocket fire of ever increasing range, with Israeli air strikes and ground action responding in an effort to degrade Hamas’ rocket launching abilities and to deter future attacks.

Negotiating with the Palestinians

It is a truism of negotiations that both sides must want a deal for there to be one. Once they do, the parties can then discuss the terms of the agreement. In the Middle East, the reverse has been the norm: discuss the details and hope this will produce agreement. It hasn’t worked, and it never will – for the simple reason that the Israelis want peace while those who speak for the Palestinians do not. What they want is a peace “process”.

What Palestinian leaders desire is not a return to 1967 but to 1947. Not a two-state solution, but a single Palestinian state. Not an end to Israel’s “occupation”, but an end to Israel. If some dismiss such an assessment as an extreme take on the Palestinian position, it is mainstream among those who pretend to speak for the Palestinians and for most politically active Palestinians.

  • Many refuse to even speak of Israel, preferring to call it “the Zionist entity”.
  • Neither the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank nor Hamas in Gaza acknowledge Israel’s right to exist. The current president of the PA, Mahmoud Abbas, argues that his PLO/Fatah organization “recognized” Israel’s right to exist in 1993, but the PLO has been studiously ambiguous over whether it amended its charter to reflect this.
  • palestine-protestIn Gaza, Hamas leader Khaled Meshall told a cheering crowd of 200,000 in 2011 that “We will never recognize the legitimacy of the Israeli occupation and therefore there is no legitimacy for Israel, no matter how long it will take … Palestine is ours from the river to the sea and from the south to the north. There will be no concession on an inch of the land.” It is a position from which he has never wavered. Another Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh has said: “We will never recognize the usurper Zionist government and will continue our jihad-like movement until the liberation of Jerusalem.”

For the Palestinians, the strategy of negotiating but never agreeing has been very successful – if you don’t care about all the people being killed or injured. The results include:

  • The Israeli army withdrawing from large sections of the West Bank and all of Gaza,
  • Palestinians now having their own (though feuding) governments in both territories,
  • Democratic states providing them with $2.5 billion a year in foreign aid with more money starting to come in from Qatar, and
  • Iran supplying them with weapons including rockets.

Internationally, the Palestinians are in the enviable position of being able to inflict harm on Israel any time they wish without fear of losing support, confident the world will take an “even-handed” approach and denounce any Israeli response as “disproportionate”. And most of the world has bought their narrative that the problem is borders and settlements, not Israel’s presence in the Arab world.

The UN vote of November 2012

Nothing so exemplifies how obtuse the world has been on the Palestinian issue than what followed the 2012 ceasefire – not insistence on negotiations to end the violence once and for all but passage of a UN General Assembly resolution according Palestine “non-member observer status” in the United Nations. The resolution also encouraged the Security Council to “consider favourably” Palestine’s application for full membership. Plain folks might ask: what’s that got to do with ending the conflict? Mideast sophisticates have offered windy explanations about how the UN decision will help in the long run. In fact, all it did was allow the Palestinians to pocket another gain without having to offer anything in return – further encouraging them to believe they don’t have to compromise to get what they want.

The UN General Assembly voted the way it did because of what the UN has become: not the instrument for peace it was designed to be but a toxic force in international politics. It helps to understand that the UN is less an organization than a conference in permanent session supported by a bloated, largely unaccountable, and demonstrably corrupt international staff. The tone is set by the General Assembly, comprised of 194 member states – virtually every country in the world no matter how large or small or who runs it or whether anyone at all is in charge. Each has a single vote, whether it is the United States or one of the dozen states who could not survive without US aid. And a majority of them are tyrannies of one kind or another.

global-findings3In 2013, the Freedom House think tank, which tries to measure the degree of political freedom in the world, reported that of the 195 states it studies fewer than half (88) qualify as “free”. The rest are either “partly free” (59) or “not free” (48). “Partly free” means the country in question has deficiencies regarding which political parties are allowed to operate and how, who gets to vote, how honest the elections are, and how much the government controls the media. These are not “deficiencies” most Canadians would accept as any kind of “free”. So the tyrannies have a permanent majority for any UN measure they want to support – and their majority has been growing.

In the November 2012 UN vote on Palestine, all the “not free” countries voted in favour of granting the Palestinian Authority official status at the UN, except for three who abstained. And most of the “partly free” voted in favour too, except for a handful of abstainers. No one in either group voted against. All quite predictable. What was surprising was that most of the states categorized as “free” also either supported the resolution or abstained. “Abstain” is diplomatic speak for “we don’t like it, but we can’t bring ourselves to vote against it”. Only nine voted against: Israel, of course, but also the US, Canada, the Czech Republic, Panama and four micro states in the Pacific. The result: 138 in favour, 41 abstaining, 9 against.

UN RESOLUTION ON PALESTINIAN OBSERVER STATUS
Not Free Partly Free Free TOTAL
In Favour 43 41 54 138
Abstain 3 14 24 41
Against 0 0 9 9
Total Voting 46 55 87 188

 

Many questioned why Canada voted the way it did. A better question is why every other democratic state didn’t vote the same way. Why give comfort to the thugs running the West Bank (“not free”) and Gaza (“not free”) and add another obstacle to ending the violence?

As it happens, we know what many democratic states were thinking because they explained their votes during the debate on the resolution (recounted in UN document UNGA/11317). Most said they favoured (a) the two-state solution anticipated in 1947 and (b) direct negotiations between the parties to achieve this outcome. Where their views differed from those of Canada and the United States was in their assessment of the impact that granting the Palestinians official status at the UN would have.

Those who supported the resolution said they didn’t believe it would hinder negotiations, while those who abstained worried that it might — but not enough. The most important supporter of the resolution, France, argued that voting to recognize Palestine as an official observer was consistent with promoting a two-state solution; but France also called on the Palestinians to end their attacks on Israel and return “immediately” to the negotiating table. Prominent abstainers worried — but not enough — that according Palestine observer status could result in a hardening of positions (Germany), make a negotiated solution more difficult (Australia) or actually threaten the negotiations (Netherlands). The UK worried – but not enough — that the window for a negotiated solution was rapidly closing.

One way or the other, then, they all agreed with Canada’s position. They just could not bring themselves to act on the logic of their positions. Clearly there were considerations other than advancing peace which factored into their decision-making.

Ending it

The savage and needless war between Israelis and Palestinians has gone on far too long.  But let us have no illusions: it will continue so long as outsiders keep intervening to prevent the conflict from reaching its natural conclusion.  However well-intentioned those interventions may have been, they have done no good. Their net effect has been to rescue the Palestinians from the consequences of their actions and to permit them to resume the fighting whenever it suits them, prolonging the killing without any chance of achieving what they want.

If democratic states sincerely want to end the carnage, they must stop hiding behind pusillanimous legalisms about “occupied” territories, preaching bunkum about the importance of not taking sides, and relying on the UN to end a conflict to which it has been a party for generations.  They need to “take sides”. Among the practical steps they could and should take are the following:

  • Acknowledge there is no peace to be had on Palestinian terms.
  • Terminate all aid to the Palestinians other than shipments of food and medical supplies.
  • Defund the Gaza operations of UNRWA (UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) which has been giving aid and comfort to Hamas.
  • Launch a Middle East version of the Proliferation Security Initiative (see below) to provide a mechanism for all countries to cooperate in practical ways to cut off weapons and rocket shipments to the Palestinians.
  • Apply sanctions against any party attempting to circumvent these restrictions.
  • Allow Israelis and Palestinians to have the kind of war that ends with someone winning and someone losing.
  • Then allow them to negotiate their own peace treaty and the associated security guarantees, and to police the agreement themselves without interference from the UN or any other external party.
  • Establish a multi-billion dollar fund (they discussed $30 billion at Camp David in 2000) to finance a “Marshall Plan” to help Palestinians recover from the war their leaders brought upon them, and to put in place the political, economic and security arrangements to finally achieve that long elusive “lasting and comprehensive settlement” in the Middle East.
THE PROLIFERATION SECURITY INITIATIVE
Launched May 2003
Mission To arrest the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), their delivery systems, and related materials.
Means Participating states make voluntary political commitments:

  • To undertake effective measures to interdict the transport of WMD to and from states of proliferation concern,
  • To develop and improve multi-disciplinary and multi-national cooperation mechanisms,
  • To exchange information on suspected proliferation-related activities,
  • To strengthen national counter-proliferation legal authorities and enhance domestic response capabilities.
Participants Over 90 countries
Three international organizations

 

Conclusion

At the UN, Canada’s foreign minister said:

We consider it essential to any lasting and comprehensive settlement that there be respect for the sovereignty, the territorial integrity and the political independence of Israel and of every other state in the Middle East. We remain opposed to any attempt to challenge the right of Israel or the right of any other state in the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force.

In Parliament and the media, this is a position which many have chosen to characterize as “pro-Israeli” and out of keeping with Canada’s traditional “even-handed” policy on the Middle East. In fact, it reflects the position Canada has held since the beginning – spoken not by Canada’s current Conservative foreign minister John Baird but by a long-ago Liberal predecessor, Allan J. MacEachen, in 1974. It is also the position the majority of UN members used to hold.

Israel has a right not only to exist but also to live in peace and security. So do the Palestinians. The corollary is that Israel also has the right to take the action it needs to in order to live in peace and security, and a right to the support of others in achieving those goals. Once it achieves these goals, so will the Palestinians.

Paul Chapin is Executive Editor of The Vimy Report. During a 30-year career in the Canadian foreign service, he served in Tel Aviv, Moscow, at NATO, and in Washington where he was head of the political section. He can be reached at where to buy dapoxetine in delhi.

1 Comments

  1. My colleague Paul Chapin is certainly clear enough on what he thinks needs to happen to resolve the percolating Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Letting them ‘have at it’ does have an attractive air of finality about it. The problem is, it won’t work. It’s not that simple.
    First, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not a discreet conflict unto itself. It is one of many similar sub-conflicts that litter the entire Middle East and North Africa. There is an argument that says what we are seeing today is a large, regional Arab civil war, featuring many Sunni groups taking on Shi’ite group, all of which add up to the overall campaign of secularism against Islamism.
    Within this context, eliminating the Palestinians from the fight might not end Israel’s troubles. Some other radical Arab group will succeed the Palestinians to take on Israel.
    Secularism is viewed in western terms as being liberal democracy. Islamism isn’t. It is medieval, and in that way, the larger regional conflict can be seen as one of modernism versus stagnation, of free thought versus dogma.
    In this way, Israel might just be the West’s best toe-hold in the region. While far from blameless in many ways, for instance in the trampling of the civil rights of Arab-Israelis, Israel is a reasonably democratic state and, like every other legitimate state, has the right to exist in peace and security within its borders. It also has the right to defend itself. This is a point of civilized principle, not blanket approval of how they run their internal affairs.
    However, the reality is that, warts and all, Israel is the ‘best’ government in the region. We must continue to hold Israel’s feet to the fire to remain a good example of what others in the region ought to be. Stepping aside while encouraging the Israelis to bash their antagonists is not the way ‘better’ societies operate.
    Liberal democracy, modernism, free thought, and the rule of law should be allowed to win on the strength of their inherent attractiveness and while most assuredly they should be defended by force, they should not be imposed by force. In fact, maybe recent history shows us that those values cannot be imposed by force.
    I don’t think we can step aside just because we are tired of the ongoing nastiness. Maybe we should do more.
    What do others think?

Leave A Comment where can i buy dapoxetine in singapore

buy brand dapoxetine